Despite its close proximity to the city of Cuzco, once the capital of the vast Inca empire, the Province of Chumbivilcas has been relatively isolated and is little known archaeologically (see box on Archaeological History of Chuinbivilcas, and map on p. 3). Previous limited archaeological work in Chumbivilcas revealed five Pucara-style stone sculptures, far from their Lake Titicaca Basin homeland 170 km to the southeast. This fact originally stimulated my interest in the area.
The site of Pucara, after which the Pucara style and archaeological culture take their names, lies in the northern Lake Titicaca Basin. The Pucara culture (ca. 200 B.C. to A.D. 200; see chronological chart, p. 2) provides an important link in tracing the rise of urbanism and complex societies in this region. Extensive remains of stone temples, sculptures, and incised polychrome pottery have been found at Pucara (see K. Chavez, this issue), and Pucara-style sculpture and pottery are concentrated throughout the northern Lake Titicaca Basin (Kidder 1943).
Chumbivilcas was the only area outside of the Titicaca Basin that had not only a comparable high, generally treeless environment, but also numerous clearly Pucara-style sculptures. Consequently, a reconnaissance was undertaken, primarily to help document the extent and nature of Pucara influence in, and interaction with, Chumbivilcas. We were also interested in locating possible preceramic sites and other early ceramic occupations that would relate to our previous work in the Titicaca and Vilcanota basins in terms of chronology and cultural development (Chavez 1982-83). Finally, and more generally, the reconnaissance was carried out to assess the archaeological potential of the area for future research.
Site Survey Methods
The methodology employed involved first a background search of the literature, including previous archaeological work, relevant historical references, and studies of the natural environment. Subsequently, I and two assistants made a trip to Chumbivilcas where additional descriptions of possible site locations were obtained by questioning local informants. Finally, as an initial archaeological exploration of the region, we proceeded by car, horseback, and on foot to locate and document sites, recording the nature and extent of surface remains present. In most cases the leads provided by our informants and the background literature search were confirmed; other sites were discovered anew by following the appropriate resources and topography conducive to possible prehistoric settlements. This first reconnaissance stage was not an intensive or systematic survey, but it covered a large area involving the Velille and Livitaca river valleys; it is to be followed later by a more systematic and detailed survey and excavation aimed at specific research problems.
The data collected exceeded our original expectations, as we recorded five preceramic sites, nine pieces of Pucara-style sculpture, four ceramic sites (one over 10 km long), and a cotton textile fragment. Most of the pottery, whether from private collections or our explorations, was undecorated, and the few decorated pieces (as well as the textile specimen) lacked specific resemblances to known styles in Cuzco and Puno. Surprisingly, pieces that could be identified as Inca were rare or absent at all sites visited and in the collections we observed.
Pucara-Style Sculpture and the Abandonment of Pucara
The Pucara-style stone sculpture proved to be of particular significance for our research and will provide a major focus here. Stone sculpture is very seldom found in stratigraphic contexts, and many prehistoric pieces are still used today by native peoples in the area as objects of veneration, despite efforts to destroy them in Colonial times (Rowe 1958:260). Nevertheless, systematic study of their iconography, forms, and techniques and types of stone utilized allows us to place them in relative chronological order, and to indicate their distribution through time and space.
One such study of a group of Lake Titicaca Basin stone sculptures resulted in the definition of the Yaya-Mama style (Chavez and Chavez 1976). A comparison of attributes with those of the master sequence in the Ica Valley on the south coast of Peru allowed us to propose a pre-Pucara placement for the style in the late Early Horizon (see chronological chart, p. 2). The Yaya-Mama style is distributed only at sites around Lake Titicaca, and appears to reflect a religious movement that unified a number of diverse local groups (see K. Chavez, this issue).
This long tradition of religious iconography and architecture became integrated with new vigor and originality in the Pucara culture, and its stone sculpture provides an example of this change. Pucara sites also included areas much farther away from the lake, at the north-western end of the Lake Titicaca Basin. In addition, excavations carried out at at least two of these “inland” sites, Qaluyu (K. Chavez 983:321) and Pucara (Chavez and Chavez 1976:68), indicate abandonment for many centuries immediately following the last Pucara strata until sometime in the Late Intermediate Period (ca. A.D. 9001476). This event appears to reflect a population shift in at least one direction—southeast to Tiahuanaco at the southern end of the lake.
Tiahuanaco was the center of an expansive polity that reached its greatest development during the Middle Horizon (A.D. 550-900). The strongest piece of evidence for this shift is the case of the Arapa Thunderbolt stela, a Pucara-style stepped stela 5.75 m long and weighing 2.65 tons that is the largest such monument ever recorded from Peru. Its lower portion was taken in prehistoric times across Lake Titicaca and deposited in a Tiahuanaco structure known as the “Palacio” (S. Chavez 1976). Far from being an isolated case, we know of several more Pucara-style statues and a stepped stela from the area of Tiahuanaco (S. Chavez 1976:13-14). Furthermore, there are strong indications that once studies of the Tiahuanaco sequence progress, Pucara-style pottery should be identified there, and in any –case we know that Pucara contributed strongly toward Tiahuanaco.
The presence of Pucara-style sculpture in Chumbivilcas has suggested that the population abandoning Pucara also moved in a second direction, northwestward, as will be argued here. Later in the Middle Horizon, however, Chumbivilcas apparently fell under Huari influence rather than within the domain of Tiahuanaco
Natural Environment and Subsistence in Chumbivilcas
The areas visited (Fig. 1) are located within two botanical provinces known as Puna or Andean (3650-3700 to 4200-4300 m above sea level) and Altoandean or Cordilleran (4200-4300 to 4700 m). The limits of these botanical provinces are not rigid, however, since areas are subject to microclimatic conditions related to variations in terrain, solar radiation, wind direction, and atmospheric humidity, resulting in considerable variation in temperature. There are basically two seasons (rainy and dry), and annual precipitation for the area is 730 mm.
The generally treeless Puna environment is similar to that of the altiplano or high plateau of the Lake Titicaca Basin, but the plains here are more frequently interrupted by gentle and steep slopes or other hill formations. The Apurimac River dominates the hydrographic system, and the Livitaca, Velille, and Santo Tomas rivers drain into it; all four rivers flow from south to north. Finally, inter-Andean valleys, such as the Vilcanota to the east of Chumbivilcas, are located at lower elevations ranging from 2900 to 3600-3700 m above sea level, and correspond to the Subandean botanical province (Vargas 1967: 62-68).
Today, herding is the major subsistence activity in the area. Animals raised include cattle, sheep, a variety of small horses that are adapted to high altitudes, and native came-lids (llamas and alpacas). The characteristic native grasses, generally known as ichu, are abundant and provide excellent pasturage. The cultivated crops include such frost-resistant plants as potatoes, other native tubers like ullucu and oca, the native grains of quinoa and canihua, the native legume tarwi, and the European-introduced bar-I ey and broad beans (Vargas 1967:63). Other vegetable products, such as apple and peach, are grown on a small scale and under specific temperate conditions such as those found along the Santo Tomas River. (It should be noted that areas situated at above 4000 m, such as Alqavictoria, are generally beyond the limits of cultivation.)
Within this natural environment two of the eight political districts of the Province of Chumbivileas, Velille and Livitaca, were extensively explored, and descriptions will proceed along these areal divisions.
Reconnaissance in the District of Velille
The town of Velille, capital of the district having the same name, is presently situated on the Chaychapampa River (Figs. 1, 2). About 1 km southeast of Velille there is a small hill called Wiraqocha Orqo, located beside a small stream (the Qaqalloqano), which drains into the Chaychapampa River. It was at the foot of Wiraqocha Orqo that in 1959 M. Chavez Balloon photographed two Pucara-style stela fragments, each having only one decorated face visible since they then formed part of a house wall. When we arrived at this site, however, we discovered that the house had been abandoned and partially destroyed, and that these two fragments had been thrown into the river. We documented the two pieces and took them to the school in Velille where they are presently stored (Figs. 5a-c, 6a,b). Extensive interviews with residents in Veline indicated that in years past this stela, then complete, had been erected at the top of Wiraqocha Orqo until lightning hit it, causing it to shatter into pieces. We located two additional small fragments of the same stela in the town itself, where they were also being used as construction material in a house wall.
The first fragment (Fig. 5a), along with the two smaller pieces (not illustrated but reconstructed in Fig. 1), constitutes the upper portion of a stepped stela having a rectangular cross-section. The designs, which are incised (about 8 mm wide) and carved in low relief (ca. I cm deep), include a ring and
the upper portion of an anthropomorphic face having an elaborate headband or crown. Just above the eyebrows and continuing onto the sides of the face is a narrow band typical of the Pucara style, representing either hair or a cap worn under the headband. The headband has three incised “feline” heads—a central upside down front-view head flanked on each side by two others in profile (see reconstruction in Fig. 1). Above and in the center of the headband, a small trapezoid supports five “feather” elements. On the right side of the “feather” elements and set on small stems are two parallel “snakes” in profile that face upward and have coiled tails. On the left side, portions of two longer stems remain that ,suggest different elements.
The opposite face of this fragment (Fig. 5c) has a similar ring, but it occurs above a mythological animal head that faces upward. The head has a pair of coiled appendages emanating from under its mouth. On one narrow side of the stela (Fig. 5b), a mythological animal head is depicted in profile facing upward. For the first time we can observe very close similarities between this animal and those on Pucara-style pottery from Pucara (Fig. 3). Similarities include: the two curved appendages on top of the head, the forked tongue, the eye ornaments, and the nose and mouth forms. Finally, the square space within the step at the distal end of the stela contains an incised rectangle having two parallel incised horizontal lines centered within it (not illustrated). The presence of carving within the step itself, documented here for the first time on Pucara-style sculpture, indicates that the notched form was not made as an architectural support for a lintel.
The second fragment (Fig. Oa,b) also corresponds to a stela with similar dimensions and having the same combination of low-relief carving and incision. The waist and hip area of an anthropomorphic figure is carved on one face (Fig. 6a). A right human hand with five fingers and nails is present to the side and below what appears to be a navel. The breechclout and side flaps, typical of other Pucara-style anthropomorphic statues, are indicated by incision. Each side flap includes three zig-zag bands terminating in what appears to be an animal head in profile with a connector symbol formed by interlocking-L elements at the neck. In Pucara-style stela coming from the site of Qaluyu about 170 km southeast (Fig. 7). However, the Chumbivilcas fragments possess a greater degree of elaboration and detail in elements, including carving on all four faces.
A third piece of stone sculpture was located in the school at Velille, and was said to come from the area (Fig. 10). This piece, first documented by Chavez Ballon in 1959, is a slab carved in low relief and incised on only one of its broad faces. It is unique among known Pucara sculpture in possessing a running mythological feline having the body in profile and the head apparently in front view. Althougl this design shares a number of similarities with felines on Pucarastyle polychrome vessels, there are also close similarities to mythological felines on Tiahuanaco-style stone sculpture of the Middle Horison (Fig. 11; see Rowe and Brandel 1971:P1. 14; Posnansky 1945:Fig. 12O-127).
Pucara-style felines characteristically show the body in profile and the head in front view, sometimes possess checkered-cross body markings, and have a band of rectangles beginning at the neck that runs along the upper portion of the body and extends to form a tail. Tiahuanaco felines are shown in the same running position, but have a tail that recurves above the body and terminates in an animal head in A unique fragment of a cotton textile garment was also documented (Fig. 13). It had been looted by one of the residents from a small rockshelter near Esquina, a place known as Qeuna Qeuna at the foothills of Songillpa Hill. Stylized cream-colored birds, all facing in one direction, decorate the blue textile in tapestry technique. A kind of crest, formed by small triangles, originates at the back of the head and extends above the head and beak. Each element within the bird alternates in different colors that include green, white, and light brown. Ann P. Rowe (pers. corn. 1984) identified this textile as an interlocked tapestry weave with the design woven perpendicular to the warps, both features characteristic of highland tapestry such as Recuay, Huari, and Inca; the probable date she assigns to this piece is Late Intermediate Period (A.D. 900147O).
At the site of Esquina, which marks the southwest limit of Challwankapampa, we documented a Huari-style polychrome beaker in a small store (Fig. 16). It was said to have been found during the construction of the store foundations. This beaker has an interesting combination of both Huari and Tiahuanaco attributes (Dorothy Menzel, pers. corn. 1973): it has a Huari-style shape; the stylized heads of animals on the upper row are reminiscent of Huari appendages, but their diagonal arrangement is more Tiahuanaco; and the geometric fret or band in the middle, not found in Huari, is reminiscent of those on Tiahuanaco stone sculpture such as the Door of the Qalasasaya at Tiahuanaco. Menzel suggests it is Middle Horizon 2 in date (ca. A.D. O50-750), possibly Hari but certainly provincial.
A search of the early literature to find additional descriptions of the Velille area revealed the following accounts. In 1629, Antonio Vazquez de Espinosa described the Province of Chumbivilcas as large and highly populated, and indicated that a person appointed by the Viceroy to administer justice resided in the town of Bilille (1948:513). Of interest in historically identifying Challwankapampa is the Spanish Corregidor Don Juan de Ulloa Mogollan, who in his Relacion of 158O referred to what was then the Province of Vdlille. He described two ethnic groups said to have resided in the Provinces of Celiaguas and Cavana respectively, both under the jurisdiction of the city of Arequipa.
It very well may be that the Collaguata Hill mentioned in the historical reference corresponds to either of the two hills with similar names on the east side of the Velille River (Kullawata and Kuyawata hills indicated in Fig. 1). The area around the Kullawata school, as well as the 11 km site on Chall-wankapampa may be the area occupied by the said Collaguas. However, we must await a return trip to verify wether there is a volcano there and other details of the account. Similarly, the town of Cabana Conde, where the other ethnic group lived and where there is a snow-capped hill called Ualka Ualka, exists today south of Velille in the Department of Arequipa (see map, p. 3).
From Esquina we continued our reconnaissance southwest by following a path along the Velille River for 12 km, passing through the small town of Kayarani and on to Choqo Choqo. In Choqo Choqo we found a relatively abundant quantity of small triangular, concave-based obsidian points, and some undecorated sherds. From Chogo Choqo we journeyed by foot some 9 kin along the Velille River to the village of Algavictoria, where reports indicated the presence of Inca stone structures and abandoned gold and silver mines. All along the way we observed a narrow valley with small ravines opening into the Velille River, and an area of hot springs.
Arriving at the plaza of Alqa-victoria, we observed at least five highly polished cylindrical stone grinders, about 1 m in diameter, each having a square opening in its center. One of these grinders situated in the middle of the plasa still had a four-sided pillar (about the height of a person) set into its central opening. In addition, large flat rectangular stone slabs were being used today as tables. Inquiring about the rock source for grinders and slabs, we were informed that they originated from a quarry located 150 m just southwest above the town between the Velille and Antapunku rivers, behind a bill called Mesa Mesa. As we reached the relatively flat top of Mesa Mesa, we encountered numerous finished and partially finished stone slabs and four-sided pillars of different dimensions, all enclosed within low stone walls. One such pillar was 3.56 m long and 30 cm wide. The rock quarry itself, just behind Mesa Mesa, had a large artificial platform at one side on which there were six large slabs with square or rectangular sections and ten pillars in the process of manufacture. One large slab measured 4.95 m long, 77 cm wide, and 46 cm thick, and an unfinished pillar was 3.40 m long by 30 cm wide. No pottery remains or any other evidence of prehistoric or historic occupations were found here.
Reconnaissance in the District of Livitaca
The second part of our reconnaissance involved the District of Livitaca, with its capital town of Livitaca located about 30.5 km northeast of Velille (Fig. 1). The area has an abundance of caves and shelters, some having within them rectangular stone structures for burials as shown by the presence of human bones left by looters. In the area around Livitaca we found only small amounts of plain sherds with micaceous paste; however, a resident of Livitaca possessed a small collection of artifacts he had dug up from nearby places north of the town (Fig. 18).
In Livitaca we were informed that pieces of carved stelae existed on the Hacienda Ituntata some 7.5 km to the northeast. We followed a path by horseback toward this hacienda, and on the way found two sites with some preceramic remains (Fig. 14). Overlooking the Siwamayu River and on a small hill called Inca Pucara, there was a house belonging to the Ituntata Hacienda. Erected in the center of the patio of the hacienda house was the upper fragment of a carved stepped stela (Fig. 8). Both faces carry the same Pucara-style designs in low relief and incision. Within the raised margin at the top of the stela are two small profile-view “snakes” in mirror image and the characteristic ring below them. This kind of “snake” is common on Pucara-style pottery (Rowe and Brandel 1971: Fig. 4). The principal element portrayed on the stela is a large mythological animal, its head in front view, a probable variation of a forked tongue under its mouth, and a coiled element emanating from the back of its head on each side.
About 200 m upstream from the hacienda on the Siwamayu River, we found the lower portion of a relatively large carved stela, and 500 m away we recorded the upper portion of a stepped stela (Fig. 9). Similarities in dimensions, material, and designs indicate that both fragments were actually part of a single stela having a raised margin framing a large mythological snake-like animal with a ring above it (see reconstruction in Fig. 1). The front-view head is similar to those on the stela in Figure 8, but the forked “tongue” under the mouth ends in coils like that on the stela from Wiragocha Orgo (Fig. 5c), and incised bands emerge from the eyes that cross the cheeks to the sides of the head. Additional incised details include a wavy band along the middle of the body like a spine, from which emanate lines or “ribs.” Unfortunately, due to the weight of both fragments we were unable to turn them over to see if the opposite faces were also carved. These snakelike mythological animals are all likely variations of the same being, and unify the stelae coming from Wiraqocha Orqo (Fig. 5c), Hacienda Ituntata (Figs. 8, 9), and Qaluyu (reverse of Fig. 7).
Further inquiries of local Quechua speakers led us to make yet another very important discovery. After a two-hour journey by horseback in a northwest direction from the Hacienda Ituntata, we arrived at the Hacienda Sawa Sawa (Fig. 1), where there was a small adobe church. Inside the church and next to the altar there was a unique carved slab (Fig. 12). Only one of its broad faces has designs carved in low relief and incision: a raised trapezoidal margin frames two mythological alpacas in profile facing one another, each tied from its neck to a semicircular element between them. The alpacas have teeth, and a “snake” that emanates from the lower portion of their eyes extends over their backs and terminates in profile animal heads. An additional element includes four camelid footprints, two between the alpacas and one at each of the two upper corners.
The kinds of elements, disposition, and details carved on this slab represent the first such case in Pucara-style stone carving. They compare very closely to camelid iconography on Pucara polychrome incised pottery vessels from the site of Pucara (Fig. 4), but are also notably similar to Tiahuanaco-style camelids, such as in having open mouths with teeth, found on gold silhouettes, stone sculpture, and pottery. Two additional pieces of information gathered from local informants indicated that this slab had been brought to the hacienda a few years ago from its original location on a hill called Saita overlooking the Livitaca River, about O km northeast of Sawa Sawa. Secondly, during transport, the lower right corner of the slab had been purposefully broken or chipped to obtain gold assumed to be inside it.
Discussion and Conclusions
A consideration of all the pieces of stone sculpture from Chumbivilcas, including the three anthropomorphic statues reported earlier by Rowe and Nunez del Prado, lead us to the following conclusions:
(1) While the earlier discoveries of Pucara-style stone sculpture in Chumbivilcas extended the known range of Pucara monuments northwestward, this reconnaissance has expanded that area by adding newly documented pieces from the Livitaca and Velille valleys to the already known occurrences in the Apurimac Valley. The number of pieces so far recorded is now 12, representing a total of 8 different sculptures. There is a major concentration, then, of Pucara-style stone sculpture in Chumbivilcas that spans a large area involving three river valleys. This concentration is far from the Pucara homeland in the Lake Titicaca Basin, and at present the distribution between the two areas is discontinuous.
(2) The style, execution, and design of elements on slabs, stepped stelae, and statues indicate the Chumbivilcas sculpture to be among the finest representations of Pucara-style stone sculpture. The only forms so far lacking in this region are statuettes and carvings on naturally shaped boulders, and forms having primarily geometric designs.
The Chumbivilcas pieces are unigue in having design elements that closely resemble those on Pucara-style pottery, while at the same time possessing similarities to those on Tiahuanaco-style materials. Both situations are rare for Pucara-style sculpture elsewhere. In addition to the profile-view animal with forked “tongue” (Fig. 5b), the feline (Fig. 10), the profile-view “snakes” (Fig. 8), and the alpacas (Fig. 12) on the pieces of sculpture described here, trophy heads, head elements, and others on the statues from Waraq’oyoq Q’asa (see Fig. 1; Nunez del Prado 1972:3031) all compare to those on Pucara-style pottery. Two slabs (Figs. 10 and 12) show similarities with Middle Horison Tiahuanaco iconography as described earlier. Furthermore, the appendages emanating from under the mouths of the animals on three stelae (Figs. 5c, 8, and 9) resemble those of snake-like animals on Tiahuanaco-related sculpture from Bolivia—a statue called the “Idolo Plano” from Tiahuanaco and stelae from Jesis de Machaca (see Posnansky 1945:Figs. 89-90, 105)—that are perhaps earlier than Middle Horizon (Chavez and Chavez 1976:67). In the Pucara style, these appendages had previously been known only from the Qaluyu stela (reverse of Fig. 7).
(1) Based on the resemblances of five of the eight Chumbivilcas sculptures to Tiahuanaco or Tiahuanaco-related iconography, it may be argued that they are late in the Pucara seguence (as would be the Qaluyu stela; Chavez and Chavez 197O:67). Furthermore, Chumbivilcas so far lacks examples of the pre-Pucara Yaya-Mama style sculpture. Finally, most of the Chumbivilcas specimens form a unity, especially in having elements closely similar to those on both Pucara-style pottery and Tiahuanaco-related remains. If all of these pieces constitute a late variation of Pucara, then the following attributes will be important to define it: slabs or stepped stelae having raised margins framing the designs within them; carving of all four faces on some stepped stelae such as the one from Velille; further detail and elaboration of mythological animals such as the forked tongue or divergent appendages coming from or under the mouths of snake-like animals; specific elements that tend to duplicate those on Pucara-style pottery; naturalistic details on human bodies conceived in the round, with ribs, scapulae, bent arms, and legs separately carved or in a sitting position.
Two working hypotheses are proposed here that will be subject to verification as more research is undertaken in this region. First, all the stone sculpture found in Chumbivilcas was not originally made there; instead the pieces were brought from the Pucara region in late Pucara times, a distance of at least 170 km. This possibility is supported by the fact that the specimens from Chumbivilcas form a unity, in the sense that they are selected examples of the finest representations of Pucara-style sculpture.
A second hypothesis proposes that a population shift occurred following the abandonment of at least two important Pucara settlements in the area of Pucara. As documented by our studies at the sites of Qaluyu and Pucara itself, there is a gap or lack of occupation immediately following the last Pucara strata (Chavez and Chavez 197O:O8). Similarly, based on independent evidence of raised fields in the area near the Capachica Peninsula, Clark Erickson has noted that they were abandoned or nearly abandoned at about A.D. 300 (see this issue). We may now argue that the population movement may have been in at least two directions within similar environments: southeast to Tiahuanaco, as previously stated, and northwest to Chumbivilcas as well. Although the pottery collections we recorded do not indicate clear Pucara .attributes, three pieces of incised polychrome fragments (one from a pedestal-based bowl) were collected from around Velille by Lizandro Lan-tarôn Pfoccori, a graduate in archaeology from the University of Cuzco (pers. corn. 1985). Certainly, documentation of Pucara occupation and settlement in this region will require further confirmation through the discovery and excavation of stratified Pucara refuse and architectural remains. Along with earlier pioneer works by Rowe, Chavez Balloon, and Nunez del Prado, the reconnaissance carried out in Chumbivilcas has helped to establish the fact that this region is potentially one of the
most important archaeological centers in the Department of Cuzco. The presence of preceramic sites has significantly extended the time depth for occupations represented in the area. Relevant historical documents, as well as the extensive sites and abundant materials belonging to late, just pre-Inca, and/or Inca-influenced occupations, show the region to have been intensively inhabited. Finally, the provincial Huari beaker represents a unique occurrence of Huari influence in the extreme southern Peruvian highlands within a puna environment (at the site of Esguina at 3850 in above sea level). The vessel also indicates some Tiahuanaco influence as might be expected, given the proximity of the site to the Tiahuanaco area and the earlier Lake Titicaca Basin connection during Pucara times. At the same time, the vessel, along with other evidence from the Pomacanchi area to the northeast (S. Chavez 1987:17), suggests communication existed between the two widely separated polities of Huari and Tiahuanaco. The known northern limit of Middle Horizon Tiahuanaco is Azangaro, while the southern limit of Huari is Sicuani, with Esguina lying to the southwest of Sicuani. As our future plans for excavation in this area proceed, the nature and extent of human occupations will become more apparent, allowing us to incorporate results within a wider context of south highland and Andean developments.